Abstract

Cultural diplomacy is an integral aspect of contemporary international relations. However, the lack of formal participation of women is an issue that still persists. In the Indian context, while formal frameworks incorporate women to an extent, several limitations are prevalent, limiting their participation in diplomacy and constructing a monolithic, patriarchal cultural identity for women.

Introduction

Cultural diplomacy is an integral aspect of international relations, placing emphasis upon the importance of soft power. It promotes cooperation between states through the means of cultural exchange in the forms of art, music, cinema, language, traditions and practices (Diplo, n.d.). In the contemporary context, cultural diplomacy occupies a central role in the academic and practical discourses of international relations, shaping policy discourses worldwide (Donfried, n.d.). In the Indian context, culture diplomacy is prevalent through numerous spheres and aspects. These encompass cinema, languages, cuisines, philosophy, art, literature, music and festivals (ISPPR, 2025). Cultural diplomacy was formalised in India through the establishment of the Indian Council for Cultural Representation (ICCR) in 1950, demonstrating India’s commitment to promoting soft power through its culture, art, literature and philosophical aspects (ICCR, n.d.).
However, there are limitations in these formal systems in terms of low representation of women and certain patriarchal cultures and assumptions. The relationship between gender, culture and diplomacy is intricate. Women face several issues in the Indian context combating cultural norms entrenched in patriarchy, and the lack of an intersectional lens while in the sphere of cultural realities and diplomacy.

Historical Background and Current Situation of Women in Diplomacy

Women’s presence in diplomacy is not a new phenomenon, as their involvement precedes their twentieth century roles as diplomats and diplomat’s wives. In Western society, women were involved in diplomacy and negotiation as early as the 1500s. During the late sixteenth to early seventeenth century in Elizabethan England, women impacted the formal channels of intelligence and diplomacy by gathering and distributing news related to diplomatic endeavours. Women were also a part of royal courts and international negotiations, often having a greater informal than formal role (Aggestam and Towns, 2018). However, in the nineteenth century this involvement saw a reduction in women’s role and recognition in diplomacy. Their involvement became limited to being wives of diplomats, running diplomatic households, hosting others, making their own connections and being involved in local volunteering and community work. In the post-World War II twentieth century, the establishment of international organisations such as the United Nations (UN) led to the incorporation and representation of women in diplomacy, accentuating the importance of equal representation of women’s rights. However, the progress has been gradual. 1n 1968, only 0.9% of ambassadors worldwide were women (Friedrich Naumann Foundation, 2025). Progress is still limited according to the UN, as in 2025 only 22.9% of cabinet ministers worldwide are women, underscoring low representation in foreign affairs (United Nations, 2025).

Track I Diplomacy refers to official diplomacy, where formal discussions and communication takes place between diplomats, heads of state as well as other official authorities. These include negotiations held at international organisations, such as the United Nations, as well as bilateral negotiations between two countries.Track II Diplomacy refers to the unofficial channels of discussions between non-governmental experts, without the direct involvement of the government. Often, Track I negotiations emerge from Track II discussions (Sokol, 2022), such as in the case of the 1992 Oslo Accords.In India, women’s diplomatic impact became more prominent after independence in the process of building a post-colonial state, ranging from international conflicts to civil wars and other such conflicts, such as the India-Pakistan border issues and regional conflicts. However, despite being harbingers of peace and conflict resolution in aforementioned cases, women are underrepresented in Track I Diplomacy, focusing on official government exchanges. Despite often being the most impacted by policy change, women have been passively involved in talks of international diplomacy and policy, and their significant work in Track II Diplomacy is often undervalued. The percentage of female officers who serve as Indian Foreign Services (IFS), ambassadors and high-ranked officials in defense and strategy remains relatively low (The Geostrata, 2025). While in 2014-2022, women recruited into the Indian Foreign Services (IFS) grew by 6.6%, it still remains at 37.8%, demonstrating a persisting gender disparity (Krishnankutty, 2024).

There are several challenges faced by women in the field of diplomacy. To begin with, due to Indian society being entrenched in patriarchal value systems, women are often subdued to domestic roles and prioritising the familial sphere, limiting their participation in the field of politics and international relations. Women in the sphere of international affairs have to often confront gendered stereotypes regarding their capability. They are viewed to lack qualities which are necessary for global leadership. Furthermore there is limited representation of women in international forums such as the UN. All these systematic barriers limit the representation and involvement of women in international affairs and diplomacy (Isha & Yadav, 2025).

Feminist Critique of Nationalism and Body Politics

The feminist critique of nationalism proponents that nations are often policed through gendered and sexualised constructions imposed upon women’s bodies. Women have often been invisible in the historical narratives surrounding nationalism. In the Indian context, the role of women in nationalism has often been sidelined. While one recognises the “Fathers of the Constitution" in the context of framing of the Indian Constitution, the contribution of the fourteen female members in the Constituent Assembly often goes unrecognised. Women are often seen as passive participants in a nation. As Cynthia Enloe proponents in her work Bananas, Beaches and Bases, nationalism is booted in masculine memory, humiliation and hope. Men are viewed as the main actors of the state protecting its freedom, honour and women (Ray, 2023).

Conversely, women are symbolically subdued as “mothers of the nation”. Their role and perception is limited to one of cultural purity, bearing an identity of cultural narratives and discourse. For instance, the idea of Bharat Mata (Mother India) is a feminine depiction of nationalism where women’s bodies become a symbol of nationhood. This also results in the asserting ownership, control, stigmas of purity, the need to protect and police women’s bodies and sexuality. These claims aim to establish a sense of moral ideology around nationalism. In this entire process, women’s bodies become a site of “honour” and control, where communal, religious and national tensions are cultivated.Several Hindi films have portrayals of women conforming to an archetype of femininity, placing constraints on their body and sexuality, fabricating what an ideal Indian woman ought to be. Most of these depictions ignore the multicultural society of India, promoting a homogenous figure and narrative, and ignores intersectional aspects of women’s identities such as caste, class, religion and other such integral factors (Ray, 2023).

Women, Culture and Diaspora

The Indian diaspora consists of over 33 million people around the world. The Indian community is represented in several nations such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Guyana, and Fiji. The Indian diaspora has been pivotal to India’s political and economic development in terms of diaspora entrepreneur investments. In the political sense, the Indian diaspora serves as a “soft power” mechanism that enhances diplomatic and international relations with other nations. Diaspora communities are cultural ambassadors, spreading cultural aspects of India's diversity and pluralism, as well as impacting policy formulation in India itself (Khara and Satapathy, 2022). Women have played a pivotal role in safeguarding cultural traditions, identity and norms across generations through customs, music, cuisine, language, art and literature in diasporic communities. They were the central point of interaction between the home and host nations’ culture and at the forefront of peacefully resolving issues that arose with cultural differences. These encompass the observation of religious festivals, including Diwali, Holi, Navaratri, and Eid, which are organized and celebrated with traditional rituals, prayers, and culinary preparations. These festivals create a communal environment for strengthening cultural identity and transmitting values (Modi & Shaik, 2023).

Women often act as the primary speakers and teachers of native languages such as Hindi, Tamil, Gujarati, and Urdu within their families, thereby safeguarding linguistic continuity amid assimilation pressures in host nations (Khara & Satapathy, 2022). Food preparation is a significant area in which women serve as cultural custodians by preparing traditional foods such as puri, dal, paneer tikka, and regional delicacies, frequently utilizing local products while preserving unique flavors. An example from South Africa is “Bunny Chow,” a fusion dish devised by Indian immigrants that amalgamates curry with local bread, exemplifying cultural adaptation while maintaining preservation of culture.Traditional clothing such as saris and salwar kameez remain prevalent among diaspora women, serving as markers of ethnic identity, while Bollywood films and Indian music accessed through contemporary media platforms connect younger generations to their heritage, culture and language (Modi and Shaik, 2023).

Feminist Foreign Policy in India

Intersectionality, as defined by Kimberle Crenshaw, refers to the various ways in which race and gender intersect to shape the multiple aspects of the lives of Black women and their employment experiences (Crenshaw, 1991). This definition can be expounded in the Indian context as well.  An intersectional feminist perspective proponents that gender in India cannot be fully comprehended without understanding the dynamics of class, caste, religion, and ethnicity. Nivedita Menon in her article ‘Gender (2008)’ proposes that the biological category of ‘woman’ may not certainly have shared interest, life-experiences, or aspirations. This conception arises from the political practice of women’s movements globally, revealing that ‘women’ do not exist as a pre-existing subject that can be simply mobilised into the movements. Women may not primarily identify themselves in terms of gender but rather as black, Muslim, Dalit or peasant. They mobilize in terms of religion for instance, rather than women’s movements (Menon, 2008). India’s identity politics, entrenched in the interplay of individual as well as group rights, requires a structural foundation that incorporates diversity without the erasure of local realities. This would require a movement outside Western frameworks and fabricate a society that fits the Indian socio-political landscape (Pandey, 2025). 

The postcolonial feminist perspective critically dissects how colonialism persists in its legacies and manifests in current times. It emphasises the necessity to decenter dominant cultures and provides a platform for marginalised perspectives to become accepted sources of knowledge (Tetali, 2023). Postcolonial feminism also analyses how this colonial legacy impacts current dynamics of international relations, diplomacy and cultural representation. This leads to a more critical reflection of cultural nationalism, and rejects universalisms of gendered experiences (Parashar, 2016). Postcolonial feminists also challenge aspects of Western feminism by elucidating that not all women are all colonised equally (Tetali, 2023). Chandra Talpade-Mohanty highlighted this absence in recognising differences in women’s oppression globally, emphasising discursive colonialism and how the ‘Third World Woman’ exists a rather monolithic entity in discourses and texts of Western feminism (Parashar, 2016). Universalising the experiences of women, without taking into consideration different perspectives and experiences of oppression differing in terms of intersectional identity markers, further marginalises them. This encompasses aspects such as race, class, caste, and religion (Tetali, 2023).

The intersectional and postcolonial feminist perspectives are integral to adopting feminist foreign policy (FFP) in India. While FFP does not have a single definition, its objective is to increase the participation and representation of women in international relations in terms of decision-making, establish alternative power dynamics and courses of action, as well as promulgate policies rooted in gender equality (Kiran & Chaudhary, 2024). Due to India being a post-colonial state with intersectional identities, FFP has to be incorporated in an intersectional, nuanced manner. In India, male-domination remains a prominent problem in political, legal, economic, strategic and diplomatic institutions. For instance, despite there being a demand for 33% reservation for women in Lok Sabha, as of 2022 the actual representation remains at 14.36%. As India gains significance in South-South and triangular cooperation, where the developing Global South nations work together towards development, it is integral for it to adopt domestic and foreign policies that promulgate gender equality and equal representation. A FFP will incorporate intersectional inclusivity in India’s foreign service which is currently dominated by men from privileged backgrounds. Such policies would enable frameworks that represent people from marginalised backgrounds (Khillare, 2023). According to Swati Parashar (2021) Indian FFP should progressively construct capabilities to efficiently tackle local, regional, and global gender issues (DASH, 2025). FFP in India will have to transcend its Western counterparts and Western notions of feminism.

Postcolonial and intersectional studies highlight locally driven organisations that tackle intersecting oppressions. Locally-led organisations are better equipped to understand the complex intersectional identities of women, enabling their politico-economic empowerment. This is exemplified by the Feminist Dalit Organization in Nepal, which addresses both caste and gender discrimination, as paradigms for how intersectional perspectives may transform policy and diplomacy (Tetali, 2023). 

In the context of cultural diplomacy, this entails enquiring: which women are chosen as the "faces of India" on international platforms, and which remain marginalized? Women from marginalised communities have to be represented, not only those from privileged backgrounds in order to have a more intersectional system. Multiple realities have to be exhibited rather than a homogenous idea of what an Indian woman ought to be in the cultural and political sphere.

Discussions and Conclusion

While women have remained an integral aspect of cultural diplomacy, their contributions have often not been recognised, further pushing them towards the peripheries of cultural diplomacy as a whole. Their historical and current contribution in terms of soft power and Track II diplomacy is highly undervalued and not given due importance. Firstly, due to the persistence of underrepresentation in the sphere of politics and diplomacy, while recruitment of women has improved, women still encounter obstacles to career progression and coveted roles inside diplomatic institutions. Furthermore, the lack of intersectionality in representing religious minorities, lower classes and other marginalised groups in the sphere of cultural diplomacy is prevalent.

Patriarchal nationalism delineates the parameters of women's involvement. The symbolic representation of "Mother India" and the nationalist division of material and spiritual realms persist in influencing women's roles in cultural diplomacy, relegating women to the status of guardians of traditional spirituality and cultural values, rather than recognizing them as independent political agents and policy innovators. Women have to be viewed beyond bearers of culture and symbols of nationalist emotions and purity by Indian society. Furthermore, the idea of a contemporary modern Indian woman is often restricted to a homogenised idea, rather one based in plurality and diversity of realities. It is imperative to incorporate an intersectional feminist foreign policy framework which incorporates the multitudinous realities of Indian women and their requirements for upliftment.